Chapter 239 There's nothing they wouldn't dare to do: they're all talented people.

As Wang Xiao went downstairs, she quickly went through the worst possible scenarios in her mind.

It's nothing more than the farmers whose land is being demolished and expropriated being completely bewildered, thinking they can use the emperor to command the princes, taking the opportunity to make exorbitant demands, clinging to the development company and insisting on securing a stable job for themselves.

If that were the case, she would absolutely respect other people's fates.

Anyway, she's already signed the land acquisition agreement, $12 per square meter, for a total of 1 square kilometer of land, so no one can take it from her.

If the development company changes its mind and wants to break the agreement—

She is unwilling to take the local government to court unless absolutely necessary.

But she's never afraid of going to court.

Oh, so the Canadian company is violating regulations by hoarding land and refusing to develop it. You can only grit your teeth and accept it.

We honestly followed the agreement and acted accordingly, yet we became easy targets?

Are you kidding me!

Are Canadian companies considered foreign-invested, while Russian companies aren't?

Canadian companies can get the Prime Minister to endorse them, so why can't we?

Since we're bringing politics into this, let's have a real showdown.

To put it bluntly, from a geopolitical, international, and historical perspective, isn't it obvious who should take the lead in diplomatic relations, Canada or Russia?

Therefore, Wang Xiao was fearless and his demeanor when going downstairs was as calm as if Mount Tai had collapsed in front of him.

Even Section Chief Fang admired her. Look at her mindset and character; no wonder she can be such a big boss!

Oh, she's so worried.

That's how it is when negotiating with farmers; they can go back on their word the day after they agree to something.

Why do we have to keep harping on their development company? Is their company really that easy to get into?

Which bastard is causing trouble? Vice President Zhao? Impossible.

Last night, President Hu made his position clear, and the agreement was signed. Vice President Zhao's current actions are a direct slap in President Hu's face.

He's insane, doing something so stupid!

President Hu is no pushover. He has connections in ministries and was personally invited by Shanghai municipal leaders. He has powerful backing.

Moreover, President Hu has never been one to back down; he has offended countless people for those 3,000 acres of land.

Even with the intervention of the two prime ministers, he didn't give up. He stubbornly stuck to the regulations and managed to raise the Canadian company's transfer fee to US$23 per square meter. He also canceled the company's priority selection right for another 750 acres of land.

Only a madman would dare to challenge the authority of such a leader.

Vice President Zhao, a seasoned veteran in officialdom, could use the excuse that he was still drunk yesterday, but he definitely wouldn't dare to cause trouble today.

If he causes trouble, he'll most likely be kicked out of the development company. But even if he goes back to his original workplace, there's no place for him there.

If he causes trouble and Boss Wang really can't get the 1,500 mu of land, it's definitely not his people who will get it.

There's no way President Hu will let him succeed; this is a matter of principle regarding who's in charge in the company.

Section Chief Fang returned to the farmers with a sense of helplessness: "Alright, now that our General Manager Hu is here, and General Manager Wang is here too, what exactly do you want?"

This time, the stubborn old man was still the one leading the charge: "We still want the development company to hire us."

Wang Xiao was utterly speechless: "You've already looked down on the fish market job before the development zone is even finished?"

The stubborn old man got anxious: "No, no, it's not the same thing."

General Manager Hu was exasperated: "Let me make this clear to you now, it's impossible! I can't even hire you personally. Because our company has to submit a recruitment plan to higher-ups, and recruitment can only begin after approval. Otherwise, there are no openings, and all the grain and oil supplies can't be transferred to the company."

“Oh, no!” A young man in his early twenties jumped out. “We know what we’re doing. We can’t become cadres or regular workers. We just want a labor service team so you can arrange our work, um, as temporary workers.”

Wang Xiao's eyes widened in disbelief: "You want to be temporary workers? Do you even know what that means?"

Grandma, she wants to pinch my philtrum again.

This was the first time she had ever heard of someone turning down a normal employment arrangement and choosing to work as a temporary worker.

How can someone be so devoted to the capitalists and try every means to cheat their own workers?

“I know, I know, that’s how they say it in Japan, that’s what it means.” The young man stared at General Manager Hu, wanting an answer. “Just tell me if you agree to organize a service team and give us temporary workers.”

General Manager Hu didn't know what to say.

Contrary to the common belief that dispatch and labor outsourcing systems only emerged after the reform and opening up decades later, in fact, they appeared very early in history, as early as the 1950s. At that time, migrant workers in Shanghai had a name called "46 workers" because farmers only received 40% of their wages, while the cooperative received 60%.

Of course, it cannot be said that the cooperative shamelessly exploits the farmers. After all, the cooperative is responsible for the farmers' food rations while they are working at their units, as well as their livelihood after retirement due to illness or injury, and they can also participate in the cooperative's profit sharing.

But frankly speaking, who would want to be a "four-six" worker if they could be formally employed by a company?

General Manager Hu couldn't understand: "Even if we set up a service company, all we can do is send you to work at construction sites and fish markets, and we'll still have to charge you a portion of your wages as a management fee. Why bother? Wouldn't it be better to just go and work there directly?"

Wang Xiao came to her senses and wanted to cover his mouth.

Stop trying to persuade me, please don't try.

As the employer, she absolutely welcomes temporary workers. They save her so much trouble!

If she manages to persuade them and they regret their decision, then she won't be able to save the money.

However, the farmers showed no sign of understanding and insisted, "We know, you can just set up a service company, and we'll wait for you to assign us jobs."

Ever since becoming the general manager of the development company, Mr. Hu's brow furrowed deeper and deeper: "You have to tell me the truth, what are you all trying to achieve by all this fuss? If we can meet your needs, our company will definitely do so. If we can't, then stop fussing, so that everyone's efforts are in vain. I don't understand, what's wrong with Mr. Wang? Can't you just focus on your work?"

Finally, the stubborn old man couldn't hold back: "Oh dear, even if she's good, it's no good. She's a private individual, and she won't be able to continue operating..."

The young man quickly stopped him: "That's not what we meant. We're worried that if Boss Wang finishes this job and then stops, what will we do? Your development company is state-owned, so it'll always be there. Once this job is finished, you can assign us another one."

He could see it very clearly: these bosses came and went like monks hanging around on suspense, with no discernible number.

They had never seen or heard of this Ms. Wang before, so who knew how long she could stay in the development zone?

To put it bluntly, they can run away from the monk but not the temple; they'll stick with the temple.

Wang Xiao readily agreed and turned to President Hu: "Then I really have no choice. The people trust the government, and I, as a private business owner, also trust the government. From now on, I'll just wait for President Hu to assign me jobs."

What a joke! Someone's making things easier for her; she's probably overjoyed.

Seeing Mr. Hu's constipated expression, she sincerely comforted him: "Actually, this is good. Everyone is under the management of the development company, so it's easier to solve problems."

"If anyone has any grievances in the future and can't tell us, the development company is their home, so there's nothing they can't mention."

"Moreover, if more companies move into the science park in the future, and one of them bullies us temporary workers and goes too far, the development company will refuse to send them any more workers, and they will have to back down."

The farmers were so impressed they wanted to applaud; this Mr. Wang was indeed a kind-hearted person.

Look, this big boss is actually thinking about the well-being of farmers like us.

It's precisely because she's too kind-hearted that everyone is even more panicked.

Kind-hearted people often suffer losses and are bullied in business.

General Manager Hu had something else on his mind. He didn't believe that the labor service company could punish the other party by not assigning workers to the units it was stationed with.

There are plenty of people from other places who want to work in Shanghai, so they don't have to worry about finding people.

What really struck him was that by bringing all the farmers who were being relocated together, it would indeed save a lot of trouble in managing them in the future.

Many people act arrogantly outside after work, but at work they still have to cower and act like a grandson.

The more ordinary people are, the stronger the constraints their employers have on them.

In addition, they also have income after the establishment of this labor dispatch company.

There are tens of thousands of temporary workers, and the management fees alone are a considerable sum each month.

With this money, we'll have the initial capital to improve the living conditions of the relocated farmers or do other things later.

It's like the wool coming from the sheep's back.

Having figured out these two points, General Manager Hu no longer firmly opposed the idea, but instead relented: "Think about it again. If you really decide, then come and register."

"Let me make this clear from the start: you can't sign up today, have the company assign you work, and then change your minds and not come back tomorrow, leaving the company with nothing to show for it."

The farmers burst into laughter: "No, no, we'll definitely come."

Several young farmers exchanged knowing glances, brimming with confidence.

They were thinking more deeply than those around them; they wanted to be promoted to a permanent position.

What does this mean? During the planned economy era, every company had a considerable number of temporary workers.

Temporary workers are further divided into urban and rural temporary workers. The former receive better pay and have the opportunity to become permanent employees.

Now that their land has been expropriated and they have become registered residents, why can't they fight for the opportunity to become officially registered residents?

Wang Xiao doesn't have mind-reading abilities, otherwise he would probably sigh deeply, because the concepts of temporary workers and outsourced workers are different.

However, anything is possible in this era.

It's a good thing that people have aspirations.

She waved goodbye to the farmers with a smile, saying, "Then I'll wait for you to come and start work."

One farmer asked anxiously, "When will you start work?"

Wang Xiao smiled broadly: "It's cold, and the New Year is almost here. I'll ask an architectural design institute to come and plan the design first, and then we'll start construction. Otherwise, if things don't go well halfway through and we have to redo it, it will only waste time."

The stubborn old farmer perked up: "Yes, yes, that makes sense. We need a plan."

The young farmer kept asking, "When exactly will it be?"

"Let's start after spring," Wang Xiao said after thinking for a moment. "We should start construction when the weather gets warmer, otherwise it will be too hot in the summer and the work will be less efficient."

Now that things have been broken down to this level, everyone should naturally go back to their own homes and find their own mothers.

Uh, no, it means we should find people, do our work, and make money.

Wang Xiao was part of the team that made money; developing a single square kilometer of land required a huge sum of money.

As far as she knew, the Pudong Riverside Financial City, which also belongs to Pudong New Area, covers an area of ​​1.3 square kilometers and has achieved a complete connection between the above-ground and underground areas, with a three-dimensional development that separates people and vehicles, becoming a modern complex with an investment of 30 billion yuan.

When she learned of that number back then, she gasped in shock.

He wondered when he could be that rich.

She still can't come up with such a large sum of money and has to find a way to raise it.

Before leaving, Mr. Hu said to her, "We'll get you the land with all seven connections and leveling done after spring."

What does this mean?

The development zone first builds roads, then constructs a main pipeline, and buries water, electricity, gas, and communication pipes underneath.

Once the contract is officially signed, the development company will connect water, electricity, gas, and other pipelines from the main pipeline to the development site so that buildings or factories can be constructed later.

Wang Xiao laughed and said, "I'm just waiting for the seven connections and one leveling to be completed so that construction can begin."

Grandma Tian, ​​she owns 1,500 acres of land in Shanghai, what an incredible thing!

Everyone got into the car, but Zhang Junfei was still in a daze.

He was so shocked yesterday that he couldn't react for a moment. The boss had actually acquired 1,500 acres of land at a price of $12 per square meter!

Just because the boss said she could get Soviet scientists?

Seeing him in a daze, Wang Xiao chuckled and said, "If you have any questions, ask them while I'm in Shanghai."

Zhang Junfei disregarded the art of speaking to his boss and blurted out his doubts.

Wang Xiao laughed: "Which ministry did President Hu come from?"

"Ministry of Industry".

"What about before that?"

Zhang Junfei was taken aback by the question. After thinking for a moment, he tentatively replied, "The Science and Technology Commission?"

He remembered that it seemed to be Section Chief Fang who mentioned it.

When General Manager Wang praised the science park as high-end, Section Chief Fang added that their General Manager Hu used to be a cadre of the Science and Technology Commission.

Oh, no wonder, President Hu is interested in high technology.

Wang Xiao smiled meaningfully and said, "The country is now following a technology-industry-trade route, but high-tech products and technologies that have already been successfully industrialized will not be transferred here before they are eliminated by the international market."

"If you want to make a living from the industrialization of technology, you still have to rely on yourself to industrialize the technology."

"Only Soviet technology, technology that couldn't be absorbed by industry in time, had this opportunity."

One whale falls and all things come to life; look, she has been reaping the benefits of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Ivanov sighed, "The hard work of countless people should not be buried in the dust of history."

Everyone fell silent.

As the car drove on, passing a construction site, Ivanov asked, "Which company is doing construction here?"

Zhang Junfei quickly explained, "This is the bonded zone. The first phase has already been sealed off, and what they are doing now is the second phase, which covers 6 square kilometers. Previously, the Premier even came to attend the sealing ceremony and cut the ribbon."

As he spoke, he laughed and pointed to the temporary fence, saying, "The fence was required by the customs. When they first started building it, they found that the wire was three centimeters too low, so they had to readjust the more than ten sections of the fence that had already been built and raise them by three centimeters."

When he heard this story, he felt that they were really taking it seriously.

Wang Xiao became interested: "Oh, is there anything special about this bonded zone now?"

Zhang Junfei couldn't explain it clearly either. Bonded areas are exempt from customs duties and such.

What impressed him most was: "In the bonded zone, about 20 kinds of goods, such as cars, color TVs, and photocopiers, are duty-free for imports. A company can buy a duty-free car."

As he spoke, he couldn't help but laugh.

Xiao Gao was baffled and didn't understand what was so funny.

After listening to the translation, Ivanov burst out laughing and winked at Wang Xiao: "Hey! Wang, your company department, um, is it the office or something? You must be swamped. How many companies must be deregistering and re-registering every day?"

Xiao Gao suddenly realized: "Car, duty-free car."

Wang Xiao nodded: "Bring a car in duty-free, resell it, and you make a fortune. That's pretty much how Hainan made money in the 1980s, and it eventually went out of business."

Xiao Gao found it increasingly unbelievable.

He admits he's stupid, but how could such a large loophole be exposed here in the bonded zone when the boss and Zhang Junfei could both see it, and there's even a precedent in Hainan?

He suddenly realized that the people who set the rules weren't so smart after all.

Wang Xiao didn't think that someone who reached that position was a fool.

She's rather cynical and tends to believe that certain loopholes are designed for specific individuals to exploit.

"Does entering a bonded zone now mean that domestic goods are considered exported and eligible for tax refunds?"

Zhang Junfei didn't dare to make things up: "I haven't looked into this, I don't know."

But he had already considered that if that were the case, then these goods, which were equivalent to exports, would most likely not actually leave the country.

After receiving their tax refunds, they may very well disappear from the bonded zone in some mysterious way.

Tsk, when it comes to fleecing the country, large organizations are not at all lenient.

Ivanov laughed even harder, winking and saying, "Your Majesty, I believe in your courage and boldness; there's nothing you wouldn't dare to do."

Wang Xiao chuckled and turned around: "Likewise."

This kind of thing wasn't unique to Russia; the Soviet Union did it quite often too.

But that doesn't stop Ivanov from gloating now.

At least half of human happiness comes from seeing that others aren't doing so well either.

Wang Xiao rolled her eyes and asked him, "What do you want to eat?"

Ivanov immediately perked up and eagerly made a request: "I want to eat braised pork."

"God," he declared, "the braised pork I ate last night was the best meat in the world."

But Zhang Junfei did not instruct the driver to go to the restaurant from last night.

Those shops, to put it bluntly, are all rip-offs, specifically targeting foreign and Hong Kong/Taiwanese businessmen.

There are restaurants in Shanghai with reasonable prices nowadays.

For example, the People's Restaurant he took his boss to mainly served home-style dishes. The most expensive dish, braised oxtail, was only 25 yuan, while the rest were just a few yuan or a dozen yuan.

If you order all the signature dishes, the total cost will be less than 300 yuan.

Xiao Gao still felt dazed. Three hundred yuan—many people don't even earn three hundred yuan a month.

But compared to 1,500 yuan per table last night, this price is indeed much more normal.

They arrived last minute and there were no private rooms available, but Wang Xiao didn't mind and just sat in the main hall to eat. The food was pretty good.

The steamed chicken, in particular, was made without any water added, which is quite remarkable.

When she ate there in Beijing last time, the owner, who pretended to know everything, actually came out to emphasize that their steamed chicken was made with mineral water, not tap water.

This left her both amused and exasperated.

Ivanov's feelings towards steamed chicken were so-so; his favorite dish miraculously changed from braised pork belly to braised pork knuckle, which he declared to be the best food he had ever eaten.

However, no one stayed at the restaurant any longer because the people at the next table, who were celebrating an elderly person's birthday, started arguing while eating, making them feel extremely uncomfortable, so they had to leave early.

The restaurant manager even came out to apologize, not only rounding down the cost of their meal but also giving them some pastry cakes as snacks.

Ivanov was quite happy because the flaky pastry was to his liking.

He announced that he would no longer be controlling his physique for the time being. More battles awaited him, and he needed to conserve his energy.

Zhang Junfei was extremely embarrassed. Look at him, what kind of restaurant did he pick? He can't even eat in peace.

He tried to salvage the situation: "Boss, what would you like for supper? I know a shop that makes particularly authentic porridge; it's cooked by a master chef from Guangdong."

Wang Xiao shook her head: "No, let's go to bed early tonight. We're going to Beijing tomorrow."

Zhang Junfei remained silent for a moment.

Although he hadn't been keeping a close eye on things, he knew that Yang Tao's land acquisition in Beijing wasn't going smoothly.

He thought about it again and again, and finally took the initiative to tell his boss his opinion: "Manager Yang is a cultured person. What I mean is that she is a bit, well, rather reserved."

What he really meant was that he felt Yang Tao was being too pretentious.

This aloofness doesn't mean she's unaccustomed to drinking culture or doesn't know how to toast with officials.

Rather, how should I put it?

Yang Tao reminded him of the top female class monitor from his school days, the kind who was a bit aloof.

Although she loves to laugh, she keeps her distance from people and has a kind of inexplicable stubbornness.

He even suspected that, so far, Yang Tao had gone to Beijing but had not visited Deputy Secretary Cao.

Oh no, it's Minister Cao now.

Although Zhang Junfei didn't say these words aloud, Wang Xiao could guess most of them from his expression.

She asked, "Have you ever thought about why she behaved this way?"

Zhang Junfei got stuck.

He didn't know.

In his school days, boys didn't play with girls; everyone clearly separated themselves by a dividing line.

After he joined the army, he saw even fewer female comrades.

When he retired from the military and joined Tang Yicheng's team, their team was all men, so he had no idea what the young women were thinking.

In his opinion, some of the women were really strange, one after another.

It's such a simple thing, I just don't understand why they're making such a fuss. They're like people trapped in a shell.

Wang Xiao smiled and started chatting casually: "Do you remember the table where we were eating just now? Why did we start arguing?"

Zhang Junfei certainly remembered; he had excellent hearing and could understand most of the Shanghainese dialect.

The table we just saw was occupied by three generations of a family: an elderly couple with two daughters and a son. The one who started the argument was the youngest daughter.

The youngest daughter went to Xinjiang years ago and now wants to transfer her household registration back to Shanghai. However, her brother disagrees with registering the child's household registration under their own house.

The younger daughter complained that her brother should have gone to Xinjiang to support the border region, but because her parents were biased, they sent her instead.

Now her brother not only stayed in Shanghai, but also took over their father's job. He's living such a good life, yet he still won't help her.

Her older sister initially tried to smooth things over, but later said her younger sister was too calculating. The job belongs to their father, and it's his business who he chooses to take over.

The family started arguing.

However, Zhang Junfei didn't understand why his boss brought this up.

Wang Xiao sighed softly: "Have you looked into Manager Yang's family background?"

Zhang Junfei was taken aback for a moment, but still honestly admitted: "I know a little. Her parents are teachers, and she has an older brother who works at a waterworks."

Of course I need to know.

Even before he arrived in Shanghai from Suifenhe, he knew they were competitors. Know yourself and know your enemy, and you will never be defeated.

Wang Xiao smirked: "Does your family own a homestead?"

Zhang Junfei was completely bewildered, not understanding why his boss had suddenly brought up the topic again.

"Yes, but it's not very big, and I don't have time to go back and build a house."

Wang Xiao laughed: "That's the problem. In the traditional social context, men are implicitly considered the heirs to family property, while women do not enjoy this right of inheritance. Regardless of whether a man wants to acquire property, everyone assumes that the property belongs to him."

“But girls are taught, consciously or unconsciously, from a very young age that this family belongs to your older brother or younger brother and has nothing to do with you.”

“In rural areas, girls are generally not allocated homesteads, and factories generally do not provide housing for female employees, because it is assumed that women will marry a man and live in his house.”

"When husbands and wives argue, they both know a trump card: 'Get out of here!'"

"Because he knew his wife had nowhere to go. Her husband's family belonged to him, and her own family belonged to her brothers; neither had anything to do with her."

“This kind of upbringing and social environment can easily make lesbians unable to utilize resources.”

"Because in their subconscious, these resources are irrelevant to them."

"For them to fight means they can't rely on anyone else and have to shoulder everything themselves."

Zhang Junfei blinked twice, instinctively thinking, "How is that possible?"

But as he was about to say it, he realized it seemed to be true.

It seems that among the women from their village who went out to work, there was only one widow. After her husband passed away, not only did her husband's elders and relatives not help her, but they also wanted to take over their house because she had no son.

Wang Xiao continued slowly and deliberately, "I'm telling you all this because you'll have female subordinates in the future. People bring their family life experiences into their work. If no one points them out, they might just keep going in circles."

"Now that you are the leader of your subordinates, please be their guide and enlighten them in the future."

"Only by enabling them to do things and maximize their true abilities can we improve efficiency."

Zhang Junfei quickly agreed, blurting out, "Then I'll talk to Manager Yang properly."

The fact that Mr. Wang said these words to him meant that Yang Tao was no longer his match.

Despite the constant emphasis on criticism and self-criticism in meetings,

In reality, only the leadership team truly critiques their subordinates and corrects their mistakes.

Wang Xiao smiled and said, "No need. You take care of things in Shanghai. I'll go to Beijing."

Zhang Junfei has caused another huge uproar; he's lost his head and become arrogant.

He hesitated before replying, "Okay, I will definitely do my best in Shanghai."

Back at the hotel, Ivanov winked his beautiful peach blossom eyes at Wang Xiao and said, "Wang, you are so gentle and kind."

See, even now they're still considering Tao's self-esteem.

Oh, poor Peach, this is probably her last chance.

Because Beijing cannot afford to delay land acquisition.

Despite the current slump in China's real estate market, the downturn is the best time for industry leaders to enter any promising sector.

Now and in the future, many astute investors will enter this industry.

If they don't seize this opportunity, they will have to pay a higher price to enter the market later.

He started blinking again: "Wang, I thought you would tell Tao these things beforehand."

Wang Xiao said irritably, "I'm an only child, and I've known since I was little that everything my parents own is mine. I only just realized that most non-only children don't have this concept."

She really had just thought of it.

She was an orphan in her past life. She didn't learn the rules of the world through the words and deeds of her parents and elders. She learned about the world through reading and personal experience.

In her past life, she broke free from the worship of authority at a very young age. Whether it was her parents, elders, or teachers, she never had the chance to view them through a lens of prejudice.

Therefore, many of the theories they transmit are, in her view, utter nonsense.

Of course people will compete and fight for things. Who decided who deserves and who doesn't? Even if you did, would I just accept it?

Isn't it only natural to make the most of all available resources to move forward and climb higher?

Once she became an internet celebrity, it became commonplace for her to piggyback on others' popularity and trending topics. She never felt any shame about how someone dared to piggyback on her fame.

See, people don't have so many so-called moral bottom lines, so they live more comfortably.

Ivanov, unaware of her inner thoughts, simply kept chuckling.

But he couldn't keep going for more than two minutes.

Because Yura called him from an international distance.

On the phone, Yura's voice was particularly exasperated: "Ivanov, come back right now!"

Ivanov changed his tone: "Why? I'm doing very well in China."

"Ruble, those damned bastards! The ruble has fallen to 1,500."

Ivanov dismissed it: "Isn't this normal? When you announce the cabinet list today, the public panics and sells rubles; it's just the market's self-regulating behavior."

Yura roared, "The Prime Minister hasn't even announced the cabinet list yet, what are you panicking about? The ruble has already plummeted!"

Ivanov stared wide-eyed at Wang Xiao.

This...this...this...

He had to criticize the Russian Federation's bankers for being far too impatient.

At least dress professionally and properly; why did you act ahead of schedule?

See, now it's hard to even find an excuse.

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Note: The information about outsourcing and dispatch mentioned in this article comes from the internet. You can take a look if you are interested.

The subcontracting system has a long history in China. Large-scale employment of laborers in China began after the mid-Ming Dynasty, especially in the economically developed Yangtze River Delta region. At that time, based on the duration of employment, long-term and short-term workers were already distinguished. Long-term workers were employed for at least one year, while short-term workers were employed for less than one year, including daily, monthly, and quarterly work. Besides direct employment, the rudiments of the currently popular outsourcing system—the "package purchase system"—had already begun to emerge. For example, in the Songjiang sock industry during the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty, sock shop owners did not engage in production themselves, but instead subcontracted production to surrounding farmers and then purchased their products, thus turning each household into a small workshop owned by a sock shop owner.

The Opium War of 1840 forced China's doors open and spurred the development of modern industry and service sectors employing new technologies and management methods. From the latter half of the 19th century, the subcontracting system was quite popular in China. This system was characterized by factory owners not directly hiring and managing workers, but instead using subcontractors. Specifically, factory owners provided factory buildings, production equipment, and sometimes raw materials and working capital; subcontractors were responsible for recruiting and managing workers, ensuring production was completed in a high-quality and timely manner—a process that might involve multiple layers of subcontracting; finally, the factory owner received the products and paid the subcontractor their personal wages and subcontracting fees; a portion of the subcontracting fees went to the workers, and the remainder was the subcontractor's commission. Under this system, factory owners directly hired highly skilled technicians and managers (mainly subcontractors), who were called "inner workers"; workers hired by subcontractors were called "outer workers." In terms of employment period, inner workers were generally long-term employees, while outer workers could be long-term or short-term. The subcontracting system remained popular into the Republican era. For example, in Shanghai at that time, almost all work in the dockworkers' industry, rickshaw pullers' industry, and construction industry adopted this organizational form; in railway transportation and manufacturing, some processes used this form. Foremen profited handsomely from this system. During the Republican era in Shanghai's dockworkers', rickshaw pullers', and shipbuilding industries, foremen's commissions often accounted for more than half of the contract fees.

During the planned economy era, the subcontracting system continued, and the rudiments of the labor dispatch system emerged. During this period, the urban workforce in China was primarily composed of permanent employees, with state-owned enterprises typically accounting for over 60%, and collective enterprises also having a large number of permanent workers. Meanwhile, temporary workers were a significant presence: even in state-owned enterprises, the proportion of temporary workers consistently remained between 10-15%, and in some years even exceeded 20%. Compared to permanent employees, temporary workers faced discrimination in many ways. Unemployment was the biggest nightmare for workers at the time. Regarding job stability, permanent employees had no labor contracts with their employers, and except in extreme cases like the failure of the Great Leap Forward, they enjoyed lifetime employment; while temporary workers performed temporary, seasonal, or long-term work, and when they were no longer needed, when they were sick, injured, pregnant, or when they misbehaved, their fate was dismissal. Suicides among temporary workers due to dismissal were not uncommon. In terms of workplace safety, temporary workers are concentrated in low-skilled positions. Compared to permanent workers, they are more likely to be assigned to dirty, tiring, and dangerous jobs, but they often do not receive sufficient safety training and personal protective equipment. As a result, their work injury and fatality rates are higher.

In terms of income, permanent employees primarily receive a monthly salary, and a day or two of absence has little impact on their income. With seniority and promotion, they can expect their wages to climb steadily along the eight-grade wage system. In contrast, temporary workers are paid by piece rate or daily wage: once they stop working, they have no income, which limits their participation in collective activities; and regardless of their total working time, their wages often remain at the lowest level of the eight-grade wage system. The income gap between permanent and temporary workers is so large that some permanent employees hire temporary workers to do their work and then profit from the wage difference. Regarding labor insurance and benefits, temporary workers receive significantly worse treatment than permanent employees in areas such as illness, work-related injury, death, and maternity; permanent employees receive a monthly pension equivalent to 50-70% of their original salary after retirement, while temporary workers receive nothing. Even small perks like rice, flour, cooking oil, soap, and towels are often overlooked for temporary workers. In terms of political treatment, joining official political institutions such as trade unions, party organizations, and enterprise employee representative assemblies is almost a privilege reserved for permanent employees, while temporary workers are excluded. In terms of personal dignity, temporary workers are often looked down upon by permanent employees and by many in society, to the point that they are unable to participate in some public activities or purchase certain scarce items. Their temporary worker status is a huge burden on their minds; some are even ashamed to tell their dates about it, fearing rejection.

Beyond these commonalities, there are also significant differences among temporary workers, one dimension of which is their employment arrangements.

During the planned economy era, permanent employees did not sign labor contracts with their employers. Initially, temporary workers also did not sign labor contracts.

In 1957, against the backdrop of controlling urban population growth, the nationwide implementation of labor contracts for temporary workers was introduced, and these temporary workers were subsequently referred to as contract workers. These fixed-term labor contracts made it easier for employers to dismiss temporary workers.

In the same year, the Beijing Municipal Government required urban employers to sign tripartite contracts with migrant workers and their affiliated agricultural production cooperatives. In addition to stipulating the employment period, wages, and other basic working conditions, the contracts also stipulated the sharing of wages paid by the employer between the migrant worker and their affiliated cooperative; in exchange, the cooperative was responsible for the migrant worker's food rations during their employment with the employer and for their livelihood after being dismissed due to illness or injury, and the migrant worker could also participate in the cooperative's profit sharing.

The State Council subsequently mandated the nationwide implementation of this experience. Clearly, under this arrangement, agricultural cooperatives functioned similarly to modern labor dispatch agencies. During the Great Leap Forward, these workers acquired a new name: part-time workers and part-time farmers.

In Shanghai, the established profit-sharing ratio is that migrant workers receive only 40% of their wages, while the cooperative receives 60%. Therefore, those who work both as laborers and farmers are known in Shanghai as "40-60 workers." Nationwide, it is common for cooperatives to receive 60-70%.

During the Great Leap Forward, the country's labor policy gradually shifted from advocating permanent workers to a combination of permanent and temporary workers, and even promoted temporary workers, which exacerbated the expansion of temporary workers. However, the number of temporary workers and the total wages of temporary workers in individual units were long controlled by the state.

To circumvent this control, often with the tacit approval or even encouragement of local governments, employers turn to outsourcing workers, whose numbers and total wages are outside the scope of state control. This situation is strikingly similar to the situation after 2014 when the state strengthened regulations on dispatched workers, resulting in employers turning to outsourcing workers.

There are many organizations that organize contracting teams. In cities, labor departments and local governments often organize unemployed people and housewives to provide services to other units; local government departments, such as transportation bureaus and handicraft bureaus, also organize their own employees and their families to provide professional services; in Shanghai, collective enterprises are qualified to undertake contracting work as long as they are willing to do so. In rural areas, people's communes and production teams organize contracting teams. Generally speaking, the organizers of contracting teams extract 10-25% of the workers' wages as commission.

Depending on whether contract workers work with permanent employees, they are further divided into "outsourced workers within the contract" and "outsourced workers outside the contract".

According to archival data, in 1967, approximately 75,000 people in Shanghai's urban area were organized into outsourced work under the name of labor service teams. Among them, 59,000 were outsourced to internal work and 16,000 were outsourced to external work. In the five districts of Luwan, Jing'an, Changning, Hongkou, and Zhabei, outsourced internal work can be divided into two types: long-term production needs and temporary production needs. The former accounted for 79% of the total number of outsourced internal workers. Outsourced external work can be divided into two types: centralized production outside the factory and scattered labor in the home. The former accounted for 67%.

In 1964, the Shanghai Municipal Labor Bureau stipulated that outsourced internal workers should be managed by the foreman, not the employing unit. This regulation implied the prevalence of outsourced internal workers being managed by the employing unit at that time, which is similar to the current popular practice of "fake outsourcing, real dispatch." Outsourced internal workers managed by foremen clearly continued the internal outsourcing system prevalent in the late Qing Dynasty, while outsourced external workers managed by foremen were typical workers under the outsourcing system.

Differences within the temporary workforce lead to disparities in their treatment. Based on household registration, temporary workers with urban household registration are better off than those with rural household registration. Temporary workers with rural household registration often receive no labor insurance or welfare benefits and have no hope of becoming permanent employees, while temporary workers with urban household registration (excluding outsourced workers) can enjoy both.

Within the temporary workforce with urban household registration, based on employment arrangements, regular temporary workers (directly employed by employers) occupy the top of the temporary worker pyramid. Their labor insurance benefits are governed by the labor insurance regulations at the time, and they often have opportunities to become permanent employees; this group of workers is predominantly male.

The distinction between other temporary workers and outsourced workers is often unclear, and there are significant differences in labor protection and welfare benefits. Workers arranged by the street where the factory is located and family members of the factory's own employees often enjoy certain free medical treatment, while other outsourced workers do not have any medical treatment or the opportunity to become permanent employees.

Outsourced workers are paid less than regular temporary workers, and they often cannot afford to pay for medical treatment if they get sick. Illness also makes them more likely to be laid off.

Therefore, once they fall ill, outsourced workers often find themselves in a desperate situation of poverty and illness. The plight of female outsourced workers is particularly tragic, to the point that there are accounts of female outsourced workers who, fearing being fired after becoming pregnant, tightened their abdomens and ultimately gave birth to stillborn babies.

In daily life, temporary workers as a whole are looked down upon by permanent workers, while outsourced workers are looked down upon by other temporary workers. The differences between outsourced workers and other temporary workers lead to the perception that being converted from an outsourced worker to a regular temporary worker is a reward or a form of relief.

This typically occurs when outsourced workers are in frequent demand, or when they suffer work-related injuries or occupational diseases. These circumstances led to outsourced workers becoming a significant force in the temporary worker movement of 1966-1967.

Since the reform and opening up, the original urban employment system, which was mainly based on permanent workers, has been abolished, and the employment system based on labor contracts has been implemented nationwide. Along with this transformation, dispatched workers and outsourced workers have gone from an undercurrent in the planned economy era to a surging tide.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, with the general increase in population and the large-scale return of educated youth to the cities, urban employment pressure was enormous. In response, the central government encouraged local governments to establish labor service companies. These companies were essentially a more formalized form of the previous labor service teams. Local labor bureaus, personnel bureaus, trade unions, neighborhood committees, and state-owned enterprises responded enthusiastically.

In 1987, there were 56,000 labor service companies nationwide, employing 7.3 million workers and managing 1.7 million temporary workers. These companies served the unemployed, underemployed, and redundant staff from state-owned enterprise reforms. They provided training, job placement services, organized workers into service teams to find work, or dispatched them to employers.

The emergence of dispatched and outsourced workers in the new era was initially a byproduct of state-owned enterprise (SOE) reform. Once a worker was identified as redundant, their labor relations remained unchanged with the SOE, but they were placed under the management of a labor service company affiliated with the SOE. A significant portion of these workers were dispatched or outsourced to other companies. Through dispatch and outsourcing, the original employer not only reduced redundant staff but also collected commissions from the external companies.

In the 1990s, as state-owned enterprise reform entered a critical phase, the number of laid-off workers increased significantly. The government required state-owned enterprises to establish re-employment centers. These centers, besides providing living allowances and paying labor insurance for laid-off workers, functioned essentially the same as labor service companies from the 1980s. These centers were gradually closed down in the early 21st century.

Meanwhile, in order to help laid-off workers find new employment, governments at all levels, from the central to the local, have vigorously encouraged the development of labor dispatch companies and introduced measures such as financial subsidies and tax reductions for this purpose.

For example, the "Interim Measures for the Management of Labor Dispatch Organizations in Beijing" issued in 1999 stipulates that: newly established labor dispatch organizations that hire more than 30 laid-off workers and sign labor contracts with them for more than 2 years and have completed the probationary period can enjoy a one-time subsidy of 50,000 to 200,000 yuan from the municipal labor and social security department and the finance department at the same level... Labor dispatch organizations that hire more than 50% of the total number of laid-off workers and maintain labor relations for more than 3 years can enjoy a preferential policy of business tax subsidy for 3 years from the date when the number of laid-off workers reaches the prescribed proportion.

In 2003, then-President Hu Jintao pointed out in a speech: "We should actively develop labor dispatch and other types of employment service organizations, guide scattered and individual laid-off and unemployed workers to organize themselves, and provide them with organizational support and assistance to achieve re-employment."

The strict control over the total wages of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is also a reason for their extensive use of dispatched and outsourced workers. To improve the efficiency of SOEs, starting in 1985, the total wages of SOEs were linked to their economic performance. However, according to the accounting standards for SOEs formulated by the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC), only the wages of permanent employees are included in the total wages, while the wages of temporary workers are included in operating expenses and are outside the control of SASAC. Moreover, the income of permanent employees in SOEs has consistently been higher than the social average, while the wages of temporary workers are much lower. Therefore, employing a large number of temporary workers not only helps SOEs reduce labor costs and improve economic efficiency, but also helps them expand their total wages and consolidate their vested interests.

In the early 1980s, the urban labor market opened up to rural areas. This wave of rural-to-urban migration spurred the development of labor dispatch services. While the vast majority of migrant workers migrated to cities voluntarily or with the help of relatives and friends, some received assistance from local labor dispatch agencies during their migration. These agencies were primarily organized by county and township governments and their affiliated institutions. Local governments also helped organize farmers into construction teams or domestic service teams to undertake services outside their local communities. Such practices still exist today, especially in some remote and underdeveloped areas. In the poverty alleviation campaign that concluded two years ago, government-supplied labor to help people escape poverty was a crucial approach.

Foreign investment in China also fueled the development of labor dispatch. Early foreign representative offices and companies in China knew very little about the country and faced difficulties recruiting workers. At the same time, the government intended to regulate these foreign institutions by controlling employment.

China's earliest professional labor dispatch agency—Beijing Foreign Enterprise Human Resources Service Company (FESCO), established in 1979—emerged under this background. These foreign-invested human resources service companies still dominate China's labor dispatch market. Although foreign agencies later gained recruitment rights, the practice of using dispatched workers persisted for a long time. Another reason foreign companies use dispatched workers is that some multinational corporations control the number of employees in their Chinese branches, and using dispatched workers allows them to circumvent this control and increase their workforce.

The development of labor-intensive enterprises also fueled a surge in labor dispatch. For example, in Dongguan in the 1980s, to meet the needs of the booming export processing industry, the local government not only established its own labor intermediaries to supply manpower to enterprises but also encouraged the development of private intermediaries. Wenzhou at the same time also witnessed the rise of private intermediaries, providing manpower for thriving private enterprises. These intermediaries initially profited by charging job seekers.

With the arrival of the labor shortage era, they have turned to charging employers for profits, mainly through labor dispatch. In this era of labor shortages, the days when factories could simply post recruitment notices at their gates and attract a flood of job seekers are long gone. The labor shortage, coupled with the short-term work trend among the new generation of migrant workers, has made it too expensive for factories to recruit directly, forcing them to turn to labor intermediaries.

Furthermore, following the 2008 global financial crisis, the global economy weakened, impacting China's exports. Previously, factory operators not only had a sufficient number of workers but also a sufficient number of orders; now, both workers and orders are difficult to find. This situation means greater volatility in orders. To control costs, companies must adjust their labor force accordingly. This situation is currently the norm for export-oriented factories in China.