Chapter 333 Independent Television: Each with Their Own Hidden agendas

But the president seemed oblivious to this. At the dinner table, he even let out a hearty laugh and enthusiastically asked Berezovsky to introduce him: "Boris, Ivan also said he wants a new television station. It seems you two are of the same mind. No wonder you're both in the automotive business."

Yes, Mr. President, you started work early today, but only before lunchtime.

Before Ivanov could even speak to him properly, he was taken to a restaurant for lunch.

He looked at Berezovsky across the table, but couldn't bring himself to smile genuinely.

Despite being a middleman and having a less-than-respectable history of making his fortune, he was not a successful middleman.

But any normal businessman, including ordinary speculators, looks down on government-backed speculators.

Just like national capitalists and bureaucratic capitalists are not the same concept.

Unfortunately, Berezovsky was a typical example of someone who made his fortune through corruption.

He acquired the cars from the factory at an insider price of $4,800 and then resold them for $7,500. Furthermore, he collected deposits from buyers, delayed payment for months to a year, and then transferred the money to the factory. Taking advantage of the ruble's significant devaluation, he made a profit equivalent to half the value of the cars through this single method.

These things are commonplace for Russia's new elites during its transition period, and there's nothing wrong with that.

So what really made Ivanov unable to like this person was the All-Russian Automobile Union stock certificate he issued.

A sheet of paper printed on a printing press, labeled "one share," is worth 10,000 rubles, but it's not a real stock.

He played word games, deceiving ordinary Russians who lacked financial knowledge in order to raise funds and amass wealth.

How is this any different from being a scammer?

Ivanov could never like such a liar.

Without a doubt, Berezovsky had no intention of trying to win Ivanov's favor; he disliked, or more precisely, hated, Ivanov.

This young tycoon rose to prominence so quickly that it's hard not to feel envious.

Moreover, his friend Yura, a new official of the Russian Federation government who, like him, was born into a Soviet aristocratic family, had been eyeing the All-Russian Automobile Union securities since its issuance, almost like a madman.

First, they joined forces with officials from the Ministry of Finance to give interviews to television and newspaper reporters, repeatedly warning investors that the securities were likely worthless and completely unredeemable.

It was precisely because of their interference, coupled with the sudden emergence of MMM stock, that Berezovsky's Auto Union securities sold so poorly.

What's worse, just when he finally made it to this summer, and MMM stock went bankrupt, thinking that Auto Union Securities could finally emerge and sell off its shares, Yura and his gang actually made outrageous statements to reporters, saying that there was no essential difference between Auto Union Securities and MMM stock.

They also wanted the prime minister to publicly warn investors.

In the end, it was Berezovsky's powerful network of government connections that prevented their scheme from succeeding.

Of course, Yura is Yura, and Ivanov is Ivanov; the reasons mentioned above are merely a case of hating the house because of the crow.

What truly made the young businessman in front of Berezovsky frown was that he had completely disrupted his plans for the All-Russian Automobile Union.

Berezovsky couldn't understand why the ZIL truck factory he took over wasn't focused on making trucks, but instead on making three-wheeled vehicles.

That simple contraption, like a child's toy, became the most fashionable item in Moscow all summer.

Countless investors who could have bought their All-Russian Automobile Union securities chose to hand over their wallets to three-wheeled vehicles.

Just as Benezov was finally waiting for the cold weather to end the good times with the three-wheeled vehicles, and he was hoping that the Auto Union securities would sell like hotcakes, Ivanov took over the Muscovite Automobile Plant.

This time, the young man in front of us went even further, starting to do some kind of simple car again.

It's just a toy car wrapped in sheet metal, yet it has attracted a bunch of short-sighted buyers.

Their advertising also alludes to the All-Russian Automobile Union, saying things like, "Don't wait for a dream car; buy a car you can afford and drive on the road first."

In short, this series of measures caused the All-Russian Automobile Union's securities sales to plummet, falling far short of expectations.

To date, it has raised less than $30 million, far short of its $700 million target.

Under these circumstances, it would be strange if Berezovsky gave Ivanov a friendly look.

However, businessmen value harmony above all else. Since the president had made the introduction, he naturally took the initiative to shake hands with the young upstart and said with a smile, "What, does our mayor also need an independent television station?"

Everyone in the Kremlin knows just how delicate the relationship between the president and Mayor Luzhkov is.

Ivanov cursed inwardly, "Who the hell said that STEM guys don't have their own hidden agendas?"

Berezovsky, an applied mathematician, directly undermined him in front of the president, lumping him into Luzhkov's camp.

The president is not a person who pursues luxury; at least in terms of diet, he eats very simply.

Even though today's lunch is for entertaining guests, the only dishes prepared on the table are dumplings, meat patties, and fried potatoes with onions and mushrooms.

The food, served piping hot, still exuded an enticing aroma even though it wasn't a delicacy.

Ivanov released Berezovs's hand, raising an eyebrow slightly in surprise: "Why does the mayor need a television station?"

Berezovsky paused for a moment, then revealed a sly smile: "Oh, so you think highly of Mayor Luzhkov, believing he doesn't even need the TV station to speak for him?"

The atmosphere at the table froze instantly, with only the sound of the president's knife and fork clattering against the plates.

The service staff standing by fell silent, their voices trembling with fear that the president might suddenly erupt in rage.

Anyone sitting in his position would be furious to realize that their mayor is more popular with the people than they are.

Since suffering a serious heart attack, the president's paranoia has become more pronounced than before.

Mayor Luzhkov's conduct was far from innocent.

After all, who can resist the temptation of power?

At this moment, the Kremlin staff couldn't help but worry that the president's rage would take a toll on his heart.

Ivanov, however, seemed completely unaware that he was hopping across the line.

He calmly picked up a dumpling with his fork, dipped it in sour cream, and took a bite. The taste of blueberry dumpling filling mixed with sour cream involuntarily reminded him of Wang Xiao.

Wang has a high tolerance for food and is willing to try new things. She can even tolerate the fermented taste of traditional Russian rye bread.

However, she declined to eat traditional Russian dumplings.

If she were sitting at the table right now, seeing him eating blueberry dumplings with sour cream, she would definitely be speechless.

However, it's also possible that she was too busy complaining to pay attention to these things: there were only three people at the table, and two of them had ill intentions.

Berezovsky was clearly trying to sow discord between him and the president, hoping to incite the president's fear of Mayor Luzhkov and thus include him in Luzhkov's team, thereby eliminating him from the party.

But is the president sitting at the dinner table just a straightforward, easy-going person?

No, no, no! If he were truly straightforward and without guile, he wouldn't have risen to a high position in the Soviet era, fallen to the bottom, climbed back up, and then led Russia until today.

The president sits calmly, letting Berezovsky press him step by step, isn't he just trying to make him fight Berezovsky?

The Soviet Union did not have businessmen in the true sense, so Russian leaders who came from high-ranking Soviet backgrounds could not gain experience in dealing with businessmen from their past political careers.

He knew he needed to use merchants, and he wanted to use merchants, but he didn't know how to use them.

Therefore, he could only resort to traditional methods of managing his subordinates, causing them to fight amongst themselves instead of banding together to deal with him.

This is similar to a traditional Chinese game called cricket fighting.

Now that Ivanov is not taking the bait, Berezovsky, who has taken the initiative to cause trouble, can no longer perform a one-man show.

Unable to witness the dragon-tiger fight, the president had no choice but to wave the blade of grass in his hand that had stirred up the crickets' battle.

He nodded wearily and slowly, a look that was almost a bitter smile on his face: "Yes, only me, only I need the TV station to speak for me."

This is how Ivanov was put on hold.

If he agrees, it means he believes that the president is unpopular with the people, at least not as popular as Mayor Luzhkov.

If he were to deny it now, it would only make matters worse.

At that point, in order to avoid being kicked out of the Kremlin, he would have to argue with Berezovsky, who had started the conversation, and fight him to the death to prove that he had simply fallen into Berezovsky's trap and been framed.

Ivanov felt a sense of absurdity; this was the head of state he was supposed to support.

But once a move is made, there's no going back. Russia today is as weak as its president and simply cannot withstand any more turmoil.

Ivanov nodded: "Of course, only if the president needs it."

Berezovsky was just short of bursting into laughter.

He never expected that this supposedly smooth and charming young man would be so reckless.

It's clear he was too young and too complacent, thinking that stepping out of the house was just like being at home, and that everyone would fawn over him.

Berezovsky was pleased with himself.

Even in the dead of winter, the president's personal staff were drenched in sweat.

They immediately notified the president's personal physician, so they are ready to provide emergency care.

Good heavens! The poor president must be furious.

In fact, his face had already begun to turn red.

Ivanov, however, seemed completely oblivious to the impending storm and continued pouring sour cream over the dumplings.

His gaze remained unchanged as he looked at the president, and he even nodded calmly: "You are the head of state of Russia, representing Russia. Russia needs more television stations now, which means you need more television stations. You and our motherland are one."

The intelligence about the approaching storm stopped abruptly, and the tense atmosphere relaxed.

Berezovsky was practically grinding his teeth. That damned, shrewd rich kid had actually seized the opportunity to tie the president and the country together.

Undoubtedly, his statement pleased the master of the Kremlin.

The president smiled and nodded in agreement with satisfaction: "Of course, Russia is everything to me, and everything I have belongs to Russia."

Berezovsky's heart clenched; he was truly afraid that this capricious president would hand over Russia's No. 1 Channel just to curry favor.

According to his previous discussions with the president, the president is about to sign an executive order to privatize Channel One directly without going through an auction process.

This former Soviet state-owned television channel had a signal that could cover households in all CIS countries.

It signifies a continuous flow of wealth and a powerful voice.

Compared to Channel One, Berezovsky considered his car business insignificant.

Ivanov looked at the car dealer who seemed to have stopped breathing and shook his head inwardly.

He's overthinking it.

The president only agreed to meet with him today to put him in a bad light.

As expected, the smiling president simply suggested, "Boris, do you need Ivan to join you? Young people always have all sorts of fresh ideas."

Berezovsky was unwilling to share his shares, but the television channel required a large annual investment, and the president had already spoken, so he could only force a smile and say, "Of course, let's work together to serve the president and create a television channel exclusively for him. 5%, do you want 5% of the shares?"

Ivanov looked at him and smiled: "Of course."

Berezovsky found the meal tasteless.

He was indeed looking for a partner, but he chose his partner from within the Sparrow Mountain Club, not from Ivanov who suddenly appeared out of nowhere.

Berezovsky was keen to speak with the president again.

Unfortunately, the president has a habit of taking a midday nap, and he didn't want to disturb him, so he could only leave disappointed.

Ivanov, however, did not leave. Instead, he made an excuse that he had dropped his scarf and followed the president into his office.

Once inside, he picked up the scarf but showed no sign of leaving. Instead, he said bluntly, "Sir, may I trouble you for a few minutes? I'd like to talk to you."

The president had been drinking, and a wave of intoxication and drowsiness washed over him.

He made a gesture of refusal: "Dear Ivan, how Channel One is run is not my business."

Ivanov shook his head: "Not Channel One, it's an independent television channel, an independent television station."

He looked at the sleepy-eyed president and raised his voice, "Russia needs a brand new television station, a station that can divert people's attention away from politics."

The word "politics" jolted the president, even making him widen his eyes.

Ivanov looked distressed and annoyed: "Politics, from the 1980s to now, Russians have focused too much energy on politics rather than economics. This is why our economic reforms have been slow to progress. Everyone is talking about politics, getting entangled in politics, and every economic reform measure has to be linked to politics."

“No.” He made a gesture of refusal. “Russia must step back and stop dwelling on this issue. Instead, it should focus entirely on developing its economy.”

The president's eyes, which had been clouded by too much alcohol, gradually cleared: "Politics, Russians certainly care about politics; politics is closely related to everyone's life."

“No.” Ivanov shook his head firmly. “Russia is a multi-party country. The more the people care about politics and the higher their political enthusiasm, the more chaotic the situation will become.”

"Everyone has their own ideas, and ten people will have ten different ideas. Just arguing and fighting will waste all the time."

"Therefore, Russia needs a leader, and everyone should follow the leader instead of wasting time on meaningless, repetitive arguments."

Whether he was tired or needed to conceal his thoughts, the president narrowed his eyes, hiding his gaze: "So, you don't agree with the reforms to Channel One."

“No,” Ivanov denied again. “Channel One must exist as the official voice of the state. What I need is a brand new television station, producing all kinds of variety shows, a station for Russians to relax.”

The president said calmly, "Aren't you going to block Channel One?"

“No need,” Ivanov refused decisively. “I just need to attract viewers with the new channel.”

The president paused, looking drunk and confused, before bursting into laughter: "Boris will hate you, I'm sure, because you stole his audience."

“They are also my audience,” Ivanov emphasized. “I also own 5% of the shares.”

This pleased the president.

He burst into laughter again, and then tears streamed down his face: "Yes, yes, you're a shareholder too."

Ivanov nodded seriously: "So the new independent television channel can also use the studio of Channel 1, saving money."

The president's laughter never stopped in the office.

He laughed and shook his head: "Do we really need a channel like this?"

He disliked ITV because ITV meant being out of control.

Luzhkov is practically turning NTV into his private television station.

Before the president could even voice his refusal, Ivanov spoke first: "Of course, it must be."

"The Russian people need a brand new entertainment channel to relax and enjoy themselves."

"Russia needs a brand new entertainment channel to cultivate talent and spread Russian culture to the world."

The president was stunned: "Spreading culture?"

“Yes!” Ivanov nodded, explaining, “Culture is soft power. Take the United States, for example. Without the promotional effects of American blockbusters, how many people around the world would aspire to visit America?”

The president remained silent. His silence was normal because America is indeed wealthy and desirable to the world.

He also wants to join NATO to relieve Russia's predicament.

Ivanov understood what he hadn't said and quickly responded: "Theoretically speaking, a country's cultural influence depends on its economic strength. But that's not absolute."

"For example, Italian brands sell for more than German brands when it comes to clothing and shoes. Is it because their clothes and shoes are better made? No. At least from a quality point of view, I never think Italian goods are that good."

The president subconsciously echoed him: "Yes, they're just pretty and stylish. In terms of durability, they can't compare to our Russian products."

Unfortunately, too many people are blind to the value of genuine products and would rather spend a lot of money to chase after flashy but impractical Italian goods.

"Because their brand has already established a huge brand culture influence, people are willing to pay for it, and they recognize that Italy represents high-end and romance."

Ivanov emphasized, "Everyone has come to accept that wearing Italian designer clothes represents one's status. Clothes make the man."

The president pursed his lips, seemingly unwilling to accept this, and even sat down angrily.

Ivanov stepped forward, leaned against the desk, and stared into his eyes: “Now I need a brand new independent channel, to do the same thing. Use television as a platform to cultivate singers, singers like Michael Jackson. And then, through such singers, spread Russian culture.”

"The influence of idols is enormous; they can arouse foreign curiosity about Russia and create a natural sense of goodwill."

"Over time, goodwill accumulates to a certain level, and its impact may even be greater than that of hard power. Driven by strong goodwill, more foreigners will come to Russia, bringing more foreign capital."

The president looked skeptical. He had never heard of such a thing, nor had he ever seen any country attract foreign investment through such means.

He frowned. "Will it work?"

Ivanov shook his head: "I don't know. Because I haven't started yet. But if we don't do it, we'll never know the outcome. Russia is in trouble, and we have to try every possible method. We need to develop hard power, and we need to develop soft power as well. This is about doing both things well."

The Kremlin was very warm, and the president's office was even warmer, so much so that people felt parched and their cheeks flushed.

The president looked like he was about to break out in a sweat, and a smile suddenly appeared on his flushed cheeks: "It seems you didn't waste your time in China; you know China very well."

That's a bit malicious. Why would a Russian need to know so much about China?

Ivanov, however, did not dodge the question. Instead, he readily agreed, saying, "I have been studying China's reform and opening up. Like us, they have also spent a lot of time discussing the issue of political systems, which they call the question of whether it is capitalist or socialist."

“I have carefully examined their economic growth. Whenever the issue of whether something is capitalist or socialist becomes a hot topic, economic development slows down or even stagnates.”

"On the contrary, when the mainstream of society does not focus on the question of whether something is capitalist or socialist, the economy will develop rapidly."

"I think this has important implications for our economic reforms in Russia."

Thank goodness, the president's smile didn't disappear; in fact, it deepened.

He even nodded: "Well then, let's see how it goes. My dear Ivan, now let's see how you divert everyone's attention from politics."

Ivanov instinctively pressed, "So, sir, you agree to the creation of Channel 5?"

Unfortunately, at the last minute, the president shook his head: "No, dear Ivan, we need to see how you divert everyone's attention first. Ivan, I want you to prove your ability."

Well, this is a classic case of not giving you the chicken but making you produce the egg first.

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Good morning. The historical oligarch Boris Benezovsky was indeed a mathematician.