Chapter 1376 Underground Organization
With the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between East Africa and Persia, the East African Third Fleet took advantage of the situation to enter the Persian region and prepared to build a military base on the northwest coast of Persia.
In this way, East Africa's military presence in the Persian Gulf region was further strengthened, and East Africa achieved staggered competition with Britain throughout the Persian Gulf, including within, at the exit and on the periphery.
The fulcrum of Britain's military presence in the Persian Gulf is Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, southern Persia and some important islands. If external support factors are not taken into account, East Africa and Britain will share the Persian Gulf.
But in fact, the competition between East Africa and other countries in the Persian Gulf must be influenced by other factors. The British mainland is far away from the Persian Gulf. Although it has India as a logistical fulcrum, it is obviously not comparable to the East African mainland with a strong industrial base.
According to the information currently known in East Africa, the UK is now focusing its main attention on Egypt, British Somaliland, Yemen and other Red Sea coastal areas.
Because the results of World War I have proved that Britain's global strategic deployment cannot ignore East Africa, a new world power.
But at this time, Britain was no longer able to suppress the rise of East Africa in the Indian Ocean and South Atlantic regions, so Britain's strategy towards East Africa shifted to a defensive one.
The focus of Britain's defense strategy is to prevent East Africa from infiltrating Europe as much as possible, and as a result, Egypt and the Suez Canal have become the top priorities of this strategy.
As for the Indian Ocean, Britain has completely turned to defense. Its current attitude towards the Indian Ocean is to preserve the security of strategic locations such as India, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and the Malacca Strait as much as possible.
…
While planning against Persia in East Africa, the competition between European countries and Russia officially began. From January to April 1921 alone, with the help of various countries, Ukraine and Poland armed more than 100,000 new troops.
At the same time, the war materials and stocks accumulated by the two major camps during World War I were also exported in large quantities to Eastern Europe. In response, the Russian Labor Party also mobilized and organized more than 300,000 troops to arrive at the Russian border, ready to be on guard against imperialist counterattacks at any time.
However, deploying troops on the border is not the main plan of the Russian Labor Party. Behind Russia's frequent military mobilizations, the Russian Labor Party has organized a large number of elite troops to infiltrate the Ukrainian region.
The city of Sicheslav.
The city is located in the eastern part of what is now the Ukrainian People's Republic and was known as Yekaterinoslav during the Tsarist era.
In its past life, this city had two names. In 1926, the Soviet Union renamed Yekaterinoslav to Dnipropetrovsk. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian government renamed it Dnipro in 2016.
The name Sicheslav was decided by the puppet government supported by Germany and Austria, which is now the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic. According to official statements, it was to restore the Cossack history of the region, corresponding to the Zaporizhia Cossacks.
Of course, the Russian Labor Party apparently has its own version, and still calls the city Yekaterinoslav.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Sicheslav, or Ekaterinoslav, was undoubtedly a large city.
In 1884 of the last century, after the completion of the first bridge across the Dnieper River, Sicheslav entered a stage of rapid development. After that, the city’s first railway station was built, connecting the coal mines in Donbass and the iron mines in Krivbass.
Tsarist Russia deployed a large number of metallurgical industries in the area, and with the development of the economy, many public, educational and cultural institutions emerged in Sicheslav, which was then called Yekaterinoslav.
Sicheslav has become one of the important regional centers of Ukraine. At the beginning of the 20th century, the population of Sicheslav exceeded 200,000. In 1910, the city's population exceeded 250,000. Now, another ten years have passed, and the population of Sicheslav will only increase.
"Comrade Malenkov, welcome to Ekaterinoslav!"
As soon as they met, Tomaj Fuka couldn't help but step forward and hug Malenkov and said excitedly.
"You don't know that our organization has been severely damaged by the puppet military government. What we lack most now is experienced old comrades like you to help us restart the workers' movement in Yekaterinoslav."
Malenkov said to the excited Tomadevka: "Comrade Tomadevka, I understand your feelings. The organization will not forget your contributions. However, now is a critical moment for our great motherland, so there will be plenty of opportunities to reminisce about the past. Let's connect our work first."
So, Tomade Fuka suppressed his emotions, let go of Malenkov and said, "I am too excited. I will introduce you to the specific situation of Yekaterinoslav."
Later, while leading Malenkov and his party to his residence, Tomadefuka said, "Since 1918, according to the contract, after the organization withdrew from Yekaterinoslav, our activities began to go underground."
"In recent years, due to the intervention of Germany and Austria, the puppet military government has carried out many raids and sabotages on underground organizations in Ukraine."
"Our five strongholds in Yekaterinoslav were also persecuted by the puppet army, and more than 20 outstanding comrades died at the hands of the puppet army."
"However, we withstood the pressure. From 1918 to now, we have recruited more than 50 new members. Now there are 132 members in Yekaterinoslav."
"We were scattered in factories, the army and other places in Yekaterinoslav. We also controlled an underground newspaper to disrupt propaganda in enemy-occupied areas."
After listening to his report, Malenkov fell into deep thought. Judging from what Tomadevka said, the organizational development of Yekaterinoslav, which the puppet military government called the city of Sicheslav, was generally good.
After all, since the Russian Labor Party successfully seized state power, this has also aroused extreme fear in the imperialist countries, and this has further launched the imperialist encirclement and suppression of labor party organizations outside Russia.
You should know that during the same period, in 1921, the number of Labor Party members in the Far Eastern Empire was only more than 50 people, but the population of the Far Eastern Empire was as high as 400 million, and the total population of Yekaterinoslav was only about 230,000, but it developed more than 100 members of the organization, which is indeed a very good result.
Moreover, the situation in Yekaterinoslav is also very complicated. It is the front line of confrontation between Russia and imperialism, and the imperialists and the puppet military government are extremely powerful.
In addition to the encirclement and suppression by reactionary forces, there are also threats within the Labour Party. The Labour Party is actually an ideal political party.
Therefore, a true member of the Labour Party should take the cause of world peace as his life goal, and should not be afraid of sacrifice and dare to shed blood and sweat.
But as long as one is a human being, no one is not afraid of death. Not to mention the threat of death, most people are selfish animals, so if the Labor Party organization wants to develop, it will inevitably face various betrayals at all times.
"Comrade Tomadevka, I already understand your situation. I can only say that you are indeed staunch fighters of the Labor Party. It is not easy for you to withstand the pressure and promote the development of the movement in Yekaterinoslav under such circumstances."
"I will report your situation and achievements to the organization without changing a word. I hope that when Ukraine is liberated in the future, you will finally be bathed in the sunshine and the applause of the people."
In response to Malenkov's praise, Tomade Fuka said excitedly: "This is what we should do. After all, we are now contributing our meager strength to the great cause of the development of human society. I believe that with our joint efforts, the whole world will be bathed in sunshine in the future."
"And compared to our sacrifices, the lives of the Ukrainian people today are truly tragic, so the liberation of Ukraine is what I most want to see at this stage."
Regarding the current situation in Ukraine, what Tomadevka said is true. The Ukrainian people are indeed living in dire straits.
Although World War I has ended and Ukraine's ruling class has established its "long-desired" independent country, the living conditions of the lower-class Ukrainian people have not improved at all.
Not only has the situation not improved, but because of the need to confront Russia, the Ukrainian puppet government's extortion and levies on Ukraine have become increasingly severe. In addition to supporting military spending, corruption from top to bottom in the government has also become increasingly serious.
It can be said that except for the absence of the Tsar mascot on Ukraine's head, everything has not changed, and the social order is still the same as in the Tsarist Russia era.
This is easy to understand. In fact, most of the officials of the current Ukrainian government are still old faces from the Tsarist Russia era. The so-called independence is indeed very important to them. After all, no one wants to be under someone else for a long time, and they also do not want to accept the leadership of the Tsar.
However, their opposition to the Tsar did not oppose the distribution system left over from the Tsarist era. After all, they were also beneficiaries of this system.
However, these have nothing to do with Ukraine's "troublemakers", some of whom even hope to return to the serfdom system.
The Russian Labor Party did have various problems, but there is no doubt that they distributed social wealth and, before the organization became corrupt, they treated the people or workers as human beings. After all, the situation of Russian peasants had not changed much.
However, this problem is not actually that serious, at least in theory. After all, in order to develop production, the Russian Labor Party is vigorously promoting industrialization, and under the wave of industrialization, farmers can actually be transformed into workers.
In short, the status of the Russian people under the rule of the Russian Labor Party, even the peasants, is much higher than that of ordinary people in Ukraine.
In other words, the living conditions and status of the Ukrainian people remain unchanged, maintaining the characteristics of the Tsarist era. Under this circumstance, Ukraine's puppet government is actually still as unpopular as it was in the Tsarist era.
To this end, Tomadevka said to Malenkov: "Although our organization in Yekaterinoslav has not expanded much, we have infiltrated all areas of Yekaterinoslav. We have many helpers, such as steel plant workers, railway workers, soldiers, and some progressive people who sympathize with the Ukrainian people."
"If we can organize them, we may be able to successfully overthrow the so-called Sicheslav City Government of the puppet army and liberate the entire Yekaterinoslav."
Malenkov asked: "Then how many people do you think we can win over if we are well prepared?"
Tomadevka said: "Tens of thousands of people will definitely not be a problem. Yekaterinoslav has many factories. The city's steel mill alone has thousands of workers. In addition, Yekaterinoslav is a railway hub, and there are also many railway workers. Steel workers and railway workers are the focus of our development."
"However, there are also a lot of puppet troops in Yekaterinoslav. It is close to the border and is an important industrial town and transportation hub, so there are more than 30,000 troops stationed here."
"If we want to successfully promote the Yekaterinoslav movement, we must solve the problem of the army. Otherwise, we may face suppression by the garrison and repeat the tragedy of the Paris movement."
At this time, Malenkov asked: "In this case, have you ever tried to develop your own people in the army?"
Tomaj Fuka replied: "Of course, we have infiltrated the army through various means, but this kind of infiltration can only win over some low-level soldiers and junior officers, which is not enough to change the overall attitude of the army."
This is indeed a big problem. Yekaterinoslav, or Sicheslav, is a major military town in Ukraine. If the army obeys the command of the pseudo-military government, it will be of no avail even if all the citizens of Yekaterinoslav are won over by the Labor Party.
Tomaj Fuka continued, "The biggest problem is that many of the local garrisons are troops transferred from other places, which makes it difficult for us to infiltrate the army. In addition, there are military advisers from countries such as Germany and Austria in the local garrison. They give advice to the puppet army, which further increases the difficulty of our work."
Malenkov frowned and asked, "In that case, how many military members have you won over? Especially junior officers, what is the highest position? How many people are there? Are they reliable?"
Now that he knew the problem with Yekaterinoslav, Malenkov could only try to obtain as much information as possible to help pave the way for the next activities.
Tomaj Fuka said: "We have won over three company commanders and a regiment commander from the local garrison. They were all officers who were promoted because of the war during the World War. Because of their low birth, their positions are not high..."
In summary, these officers came from humble backgrounds. Under normal circumstances, if there had been no war, they might still be digging potatoes in the fields. However, because of their outstanding performance in World War I, they were selected to become officers.
As Tomaj's spell card continued to be introduced, Malenkov also learned that the number of troops that the Labor Party could influence was about three thousand.
But this is just an influence. After all, although many people sympathize with or support the Labour Party’s ideas, they do not have the awareness to work with the Labour Party.
However, this made Malenkov determined. He said forcefully: "It's enough. Three thousand soldiers, plus tens of thousands of workers. As long as we can deal with nearly 30,000 puppet troops, we can force Yekaterinoslav to change its flag."
"Although we are outnumbered, the puppet army's fighting power and will are weak. This is our chance. As long as we can take the initiative and control the puppet army's top brass, as well as the important agencies and places in Yekaterinoslav, the puppet military government in Yekaterinoslav will be leaderless. Finally, when the border troops cooperate, we will be able to successfully break through the puppet military government's defenses and ultimately liberate Ukraine."
It is indeed very risky to try to win big with a small investment, but the Russian Labor Party was able to succeed and eventually seize state power because it relied on this tried and tested method. When the Russian Labor Party organized domestic movements, the number of its members was only 200,000 to 300,000, while Tsarist Russia had millions of troops and controlled more than 100 million people.
(End of this chapter)
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