When Kim Tae-hee learned that Kim Hee-won bought an apartment in Seocho District, she was very happy for her sister.

She originally wanted to arrange a housewarming party for Kim Hee-won and invite her friends from Seoul to come to her new home to eat, drink and play games, but Kim Hee-won declined.

Kim Tae Hee was a little puzzled and asked her boyfriend Song Yi, "My sister bought a house in Seocho District. This is obviously a happy event. Why doesn't my sister want to hold a housewarming party in her new home? I wanted to invite Hyun Jin and Honey to come over to liven things up."

"The only people who truly wish you the best are your parents. Xiyuan's friends in Seoul are either her former colleagues at Korean Air or her college classmates."

"Her friends are still toiling in the subway in Seoul, working 52 hours a week and being scolded by their bosses, but she has already bought a multi-billion won mansion and become a corporate executive. How do you think her friends feel?"

"I'm afraid that my friends are having a hard time, and I'm even more afraid that my friends will buy a Land Rover. What if Xiyuan's friends knew that she is so rich now and asked her to borrow money? If she doesn't lend, she will lose her friends. If she lends, she will lose the money. Taixi, you have to understand that Xiyuan and her former friends can no longer play together." Song Yi comforted his girlfriend.

Song Yi knew that Jin Xiyuan didn't want to see Jin Taixi's best friend Li Xianzhen. Li Xianzhen saw Jin Xiyuan and took the initiative to kiss Song Yi. Jin Xiyuan promised Li Xianzhen that she would not interfere with the relationship between Song Yi and Jin Taixi. Jin Xiyuan, who broke her promise, naturally didn't want to see her sister's best friend again.

Seoul National University had already had its holidays a long time ago, and if she hadn't been shooting for inschool's Valentine's Day commercial, she would have gone back to Ulsan for the winter break.

Kim Hee-won bought a house in Seocho District, which also relieved Kim Tae-hee's worries. If she went back to Ulsan for the winter vacation, there would only be her sister and Song Yi in the villa in Seongbuk-dong, and it would not be appropriate for a single man and a single woman to live together.

In mid-January, Song Yi went to Song Yuxi's house. Song Yuxi called him and wanted to introduce a few people to him.

Song Yuxi's wife, Quan Shuliang, was very happy to see Song Yi. "Song Yi, you haven't come to visit me and your uncle Song much this year. Are you busy with company matters? I didn't have time to thank you for Jingyan's work last time."

Song Woo-seok has a son and a daughter. His son Song Gun-ho works at LG Electronics, and his daughter Song Jeong-yeon works at the South Korean Embassy in the UK.

Song Woo-seok officially announced his candidacy for the South Korean presidency in September 2001. In order to avoid suspicion, Song Jung-yeon resigned from the Chinese Embassy in the UK.

Song Yi and Song Jianhao maintained a good relationship as siblings. Through Song Yi's matchmaking, Song Jianhao met Gu Guangmo from the LG family.

LG Electronics and Eshan Electronics will jointly build a semiconductor factory in Liangxi City, Jiangsu Province, in the mainland. Song Jianhao has joined LG Electronics' Liangxi semiconductor project team.

Asan Electronics' predecessor was Hyundai Electronics, which established the Hynix memory factory in 1983 and went public in South Korea in 1996.

In 1999, Hyundai Electronics acquired LG Semiconductor. When Hyundai was split in 2001, the heavily loss-making Hyundai Electronics was assigned to the newly established Asan Group and officially changed its name to Asan Electronics.

After Song Yi and Zheng Enxuan spent 120 million US dollars to gain control of Eshan Group, Song Yi insisted that Eshan Electronics sell its still profitable system IC business to Citigroup of the United States.

Eshan Electronics only retained the memory business and became a professional memory manufacturer. In January 2002, Eshan Electronics was officially renamed Eshan Semiconductor.

Despite the support of Zheng Enxuan, the decision to sell the system IC business and retain the memory business was still opposed by many executives of Eshan Semiconductor.

Song Yi's attitude this time was very tough. If anyone still opposed the sale of the system IC business, Eshan Semiconductor would accept everyone's resignation at any time.

The labor cost in South Korea is high. If Asan Semiconductor wants to compete with chip giants such as Samsung, Micron, Kioxia and Intel, it is imperative to build factories overseas.

Memory chips account for 1/5 of the total output value of the semiconductor industry, 1/3 of wafer production capacity and capital expenditure, and the cyclicality of memory chips is stronger than the overall average of the entire semiconductor industry, so they have become a barometer of the semiconductor industry's prosperity.

Memory chips are mainly divided into DRAM chip business and NAND chip business. The commercial application of the former is the memory of computers and mobile phones, and the commercial application of the latter is USB flash drives, SD cards and SSD disks. SD card is the memory card of the mobile phone, and SSD disk is the solid-state drive.

After Song Jingyan resigned from the Korean Embassy in the UK, she could not find a good job in Korea for a while. If Song Jingyan joined Hyundai, Asan or Shin-A, she might be attacked by political opponents for using nepotism to find a job.

Song Yuxi and Quan Shuliang had a lot of headaches because of Song Jingyan's work problems. Finally, Song Yi learned about the situation and took the initiative to share their worries, recommending Song Jingyan to IDG Capital as an investment manager.

Song Yi's New Asia Investment and IDG Capital had a lot of dealings, and it was normal for the two investment institutions to help each other settle some of their connections. IDG Capital provided Song Jingyan with housing and a special car in Puhai City, and the treatment was quite good.

Thanks to Song Yi, Quan Shuliang's son Song Jianhao was highly valued in LG Electronics, and his daughter Song Jingyan found a good job in Puhai City. Quan Shuliang was naturally very enthusiastic when he saw Song Yi coming to visit.

"Aunt, Jingyan's abilities are outstanding, and her superiors in the company value her very much. I believe that even without my recommendation, she can find a good job with her own abilities." Song Yi was very humble. Quan Shuliang was the future first lady, and he didn't want to leave a bad impression on Quan Shuliang that she was spoiled and conceited.

Song Yuxi walked out of the study, "Okay, Song Yi came here to discuss serious matters with us this time, so don't drag him into endless small talk. Come in, we need you now."

Song Yi walked into Song Yuxi's study, where two men and one woman were already waiting for them. Song Yuxi had briefly introduced Song Yi's situation before he arrived.

Song Yuxi introduced first, "Song Yi, this is Councillor Zhou Dongyong, he used to be a news anchor for MBC TV."

"Hello, Councillor Zhou." Song Yi nodded and greeted.

Zhou Dongyong wears glasses and has a slicked-back hair. He is the spokesperson for the current ruling party, the Millennium Democratic Party, and the chairman of the Special Response Committee. He is definitely a big shot in the political arena.

"This is Councilwoman Xia Meiai. She is a lawyer like me." Song Yuxi continued to introduce.

Song Yi looked at Xia Meiai carefully. Apart from Zheng Jinhui of the Grand National Party, Xia Meiai was also one of the few female members of parliament in South Korean politics.

Xia Meiai is also the spokesperson for the New Millennium Democratic Party. With the support of the current President Zhong Xiaotong, she became a member of parliament.

Xia Meiai was the head of the lobbying team when Zhong Xiaotong ran for president. Because the lobbying team leaders of South Korean presidential candidates are generally men, the lobbying team led by Xia Meiai is also known as the "Joan of Arc Lobby Team". Xia Meiai, who breaks political conventions like Joan of Arc, is also known as "Ha Joan of Arc".

Song Yi remembered Xia Meiai because of two things. In 2004, Song Yuxi was impeached, and Xia Meiai, who was from the same party, voted in favor of Song Yuxi's impeachment. When Song Yuxi survived the impeachment, he expelled Xia Meiai from the party.

After Park Dong-ho was elected President of South Korea in 2017, Justice Minister Cho Je resigned due to his children's college entrance examination fraud. Park Dong-ho appointed female general Ha Mi-ae as the new Justice Minister.

Justice Minister Ha Mi-ae and Chief Prosecutor Le Seok-ik are fighting fiercely, and Ha Mi-ae is also an important driving force behind Park Dong-ho's judicial reform.

Before leaving office, Park Dong-ho approved two bills for South Korea's judicial system reform, the Amendment to the Prosecutor's Office Act and the Amendment to the Criminal Procedure Act. These two bills will be officially implemented in September 22.

During his tenure, Park Dong-ho vigorously promoted judicial system reforms, including reforms of the prosecutorial system, to weaken the prosecutorial system with excessive power.

Previously, the scope of direct investigation by South Korean prosecutors included anti-corruption, economy, public officials, elections, military projects, major accidents and other major cases specified by the president. The implementation of the new bill will significantly limit the direct investigation power of the prosecutorial organs, narrowing the scope of investigation to anti-corruption and economic fields. The prosecutors will have to hand over clues of cases involving other fields to the police for investigation.

What does this mean? Today’s prosecutors in South Korea can investigate cases, prosecute cases, and even arrest people. They have enormous power.

Zhou Mengxian is still being held by the Seoul District Prosecutor's Office for providing secret funds to North Korea. Park Donghao's judicial reforms have greatly weakened the power of prosecutors, who can only prosecute suspects as public prosecutors but cannot investigate cases.

Song Yi was full of respect for such a resolute and courageous iron lady, "Hello, Councillor Xia, please give me your guidance."

In fact, Xia Meiai and Zheng Jinhui look quite similar, and the two were born in Daegu and are from the same hometown. However, Xia Meiai came from a poor family and grew up with her grandmother, which is very different from Zheng Jinhui, the daughter of the president.

Song Woo-seok introduced Zhou Dong-young and Xia Mi-ae, and then continued, "This is Councilman Park Dong-ho, who you have met before."

"Hello, Councillor Park, it's nice to see you again." Song Yi said respectfully. Song Yuxi has a high charisma, while Park Donghao is capable and skillful.

Park Dong-ho nodded slightly, "Deputy Song, nice to meet you again." Park Dong-ho's qualifications are not as good as Zhou Dong-young and Xia Mi-ae, but he is Song Woo-seok's most trusted assistant.

Song Woo-sik, Joo Dong-young, Ha Mi-ae and Park Dong-ho, four congressmen, two future presidents of South Korea and a future Minister of Justice gathered in this small study room. It was truly a gathering of many bigwigs.

Zhou Dongyong actually has more political experience than Song Woo-seok. He has served as a member of the National Assembly for three consecutive terms. In 2007, he ran for president as a representative of the ruling party against conservatives Lee Guangxue and Lee Changhui, but ultimately lost.

Zhou Dongyong, Xia Miai, Park Donghao and Song Yi also constitute Song Woo-sik's core campaign team. Song Yi is also the representative of Hyundai Family who supports Song Woo-sik.

Although it was the first time that Zhou Dongyong met Song Yi, he was not unfamiliar with Song Yi. He even helped Song Yi with a "small favor".

Song Yi used 10% of Shinhan Media's shares as collateral and applied for a loan of US$2 million from the Korea Exchange Bank.

Zhou Dongyong instructed Lee Jae-yong, the executive vice prime minister of the Korea Exchange Bank, to help him get the loan approved. He wanted to use this loan to find Song Yi's weak spot.

Unfortunately, Song Yi used Li Jiangyun, another vice president of the Foreign Exchange Bank, to fight back. The materials for this loan were flawless, but Zhou Dongyong was not aware of it at the moment.

After Song Yuxi introduced the members of the study room, he began to introduce Song Yi, "This is Song Yi, a junior who I have a very good relationship with. He has a high talent for business. In two years, he founded a large enterprise with assets of hundreds of billions of won. He is also very good at publicity work."

Zhou Dongyong and Xia Meiai looked stern. Song Yuxi has always been criticized by the party for not understanding economics. Since he praised Song Yi for his high business talent, Song Yuxi would rely more on Song Yi's advice on how to deal with Korean conglomerates and formulate economic policies.

The officials in charge of the economy in South Korea are mainly the director of the Blue House Policy Office and the chief economic secretary. If he were not so young, Zhou Dongyong would even suspect that Song Yuxi might appoint Song Yi as the chief economic secretary of the Blue House after he was elected president. It is obvious that Song Yuxi has already regarded Song Yi as his economic adviser.

"Song Yi, I asked you to come here today because you sent me an email suggesting that 'Improving housing conditions for residents in the Seoul metropolitan area' be used as a campaign slogan. Do you think there are any problems with the current government's real estate policy?" Song Yuxi asked.

Song Yi stood up. He had prepared detailed information for this meeting. Whether he could convince Song Yuxi to use "improving the housing conditions of Seoul residents" as his campaign slogan depended on this one move.

"When President Zhong first came to power, in order to get rid of the impact of the financial crisis, they chose to support the real estate industry and lifted restrictions on investment-based home purchases. Although this brought a short-term increase in GDP, the side effects were very obvious. It can be said that they were throwing the baby out with the bathwater."

"If this issue is not handled properly, it will lead to the economic failure of the current government and will also become a handle for the next president. Just as the previous generation plants trees, the next generation enjoys the shade. Similarly, the mistakes made by the previous government will also bring disaster to the next government."

Song Yi's words immediately aroused Song Yuxi's interest. Zhou Dongyong and Xia Meiai did not rush to refute and listened to Song Yi's continued explanation.

“Since the late 1970s, successive governments have required builders to build a certain proportion of small houses with a dedicated area of ​​18 pings (about 60 square meters) when building residential communities.”

"In January 1999, President Chung abolished the ordinance on the grounds that it was an "unnecessary restriction" because the restriction on investment-based home purchases would shrink the real estate industry."

"The price of fully rented housing, which plummeted by 25% in 1998, soared by 30% in 1999. After January 2000, the price of fully rented housing rose sharply. In August 2000, the price of fully rented housing rose sharply again. The fully rented housing in Seoul and the Seoul metropolitan area achieved a double-digit increase in a single month."

"Compared to 1998, by the end of 2000, housing prices in Gangnam had risen by 60%, and in new cities like Pandang, Suwon, and Goyang, they had soared by 70%. In fact, housing prices in Seoul have now doubled compared to 1998."

"It was the sudden interruption of the supply of small apartments of 18 pyeong that triggered the 'full rental chaos' during President Chung's term."

"Under these circumstances, the conditions for apartment reconstruction in the Seoul area have also been relaxed, and the skyrocketing demand for fully rented apartments and prices for fully rented apartments have also increased buying and selling prices. Many speculators specialize in buying old apartments and then sell them to real estate developers to build new communities, which has triggered a frenzy of investment-based home purchases."

"In December 1999, real estate developers finally got their long-awaited real estate price autonomy. The housing prices that successive governments had been suppressing in order to stabilize housing prices were like a wild horse running wild."

“After that, the selling price of the 25.7 pyeong (about 85 square meters) apartment built on the public housing land of the Seoul Metropolitan Government was also made independent.”

"The current government proposed this policy in the hope of improving the housing situation of ordinary people in Seoul. As a result, developers have launched finely decorated apartments and are scrambling to raise sales prices under the pretext of 'high-end interior decoration'."

"Buyers who were forced to buy houses turned their attention to second-hand houses, and the prices of second-hand houses also rose accordingly. In March 1999, President Zhong abolished the year limit for real estate transfers. You can sell a house for a profit as soon as you buy it."

"In October 1999, President Chung abolished the savings multiples and re-winning restrictions for housing subscriptions. Previously, people without houses could buy houses first, but now anyone with money can buy a house. They feel that this is not enough, and they also helped the real estate industry by reducing the deed tax for house transfers and providing low-interest housing loans. These measures, which added fuel to the fire, made it impossible to stop the rising housing prices in the Seoul area. Now we have entered an era of nationwide housing speculation. Because it's very simple, as long as you buy it, you'll make a profit." Song Yi said.

Song Yi is actually a beneficiary of the skyrocketing housing prices in Seoul. In the first half of 2001, Song Yi purchased 10 high-end apartments in Seocho District and Mapo District.

After making $500 million from the U.S. stock market, Song Yi bought several houses worth 180 billion won near the Cheonggyecheon Overpass.

Not only that, Song Yi also spent 71 billion won to buy a 3,000-ping plot of land in Yongdu-dong, Seoul, which can also build thousands of luxury apartments. Song Yi is now definitely the leading "house owner" in Seoul.

After listening to Song Yi's data, Park Donghao looked serious. "It's shocking. In just two or three years, the housing prices in Seoul have doubled. No wonder young people around me are complaining that they can't afford to buy a house. They think the current government is doing nothing and just watching the housing prices rise."

Xia Meiai also felt deeply touched, "I remember that Minister Song also has two children. Have Jianhao and Jingyan bought a house in Seoul?" Korean law stipulates that civil servants who are not registered in Seoul cannot buy a house in Seoul, but the children of civil servants are not subject to this restriction.

Song Yuxi shook his head. "Nowadays, a good apartment costs hundreds of millions of won. How can I afford it with my salary? As the head of the family, I feel sorry for not being able to provide a good financial condition for my children."

South Korean lawmakers receive salaries, which are about 3.8 times South Korea's GDP per capita, or about $50,000 a year. This includes a fixed monthly general allowance, legislative activity fees, and other special activity fees.

In addition to the basic annual salary, the South Korean parliament also pays members of parliament a considerable amount of allowances, such as business promotion expenses, vehicle maintenance expenses, communication and postage, secretarial office operating expenses, etc.

It can be said that apart from paying part of the rent themselves (the government will subsidize part of the rent, and the excess will be paid by themselves), Song Yuxi and the other three do not need to spend any money on their own living expenses.

Song Woo-seok and others are already considered high-income people in Seoul, but Song Woo-seok still cannot buy a house for Song Gun-ho and Song Jung-yeon. This shows how outrageous the housing prices in Seoul are.

Of course, now Song Jianhao has joined LG's Liangxi semiconductor project and has received a substantial salary increase, and Song Jingyan is an investment manager at IDG Capital. If Song Yuxi can stabilize housing prices after taking office, then they should have no problem buying an apartment in Seoul if they work hard for three to five years.

Zhou Dongyong used to be an anchor of MBC News. He has a lot of money and has already bought real estate in Seoul. In the past two years, he has made a lot of money from real estate by buying low and selling high in Seoul. He is definitely a hidden rich man.

When Zhou Dongyong heard Song Yi criticizing Zhong Xiaotong's government's housing policy, he couldn't help but defend him. "No matter what, President Zhong's original intention was good, and the hot real estate market in the past two years has indeed made South Korea's GDP grow year after year, and to a certain extent got rid of the impact of the financial crisis."

When Song Yi heard Zhou Dongyong say this, he looked at Zhou Dongyong. Song Woo-seok, Xia Meiai and Park Dong-ho all studied law, so it was understandable that they did not understand economics. Zhou Dongyong, as a former news anchor of MBC, could not fail to understand the harm of high housing prices, but he still chose to defend the high housing prices in Seoul. Obviously, Zhou Dongyong, like him, was a vested interest in the high housing prices in Seoul.

"I don't object to what Councillor Zhou said. I don't see the real estate industry as a scourge. A stable and rising real estate market is also a strong booster for the economy. I just think that the overheated real estate market needs to be curbed."

"Let me give you the most common example. In order to stimulate the economy, President Chung abolished the rules on the use of credit cards one after another because they violated the principles of market economics."

"In February 1999, the restriction on handling more than 50% of the main business related to shopping was abolished, which allowed credit card companies to conduct ancillary business such as cash services."

"In May 1999, the government abolished the monthly cash service limit of 700,000 won. As a result, credit card companies abandoned payment settlement, which was the main part of their business, and began to focus on cash loans."

"Credit card interest rates have also been further liberalized, with late payment interest rates ranging from 24% to 29%, and various installment and cash withdrawal fees also as high as 19% to 29%. If a debt is overdue for more than six months, the debt will double."

"LG Card, Hyundai Card, Samsung Card and other companies are scrambling to issue credit cards like bloodthirsty sharks. In order to expand the number of people using credit cards, the government has expanded the scope of tax reduction for credit card purchases, and major shopping malls and duty-free shops give priority to using credit cards."

"In January 2000, the government also implemented a receipt lottery system. If you spend money with a credit card, you can also enter a lottery with the receipt. Since July last year, the government has allowed credit card companies to develop new credit card users on the streets. So not only on university campuses, credit card companies even issue credit cards to minors and street sleepers."

"A considerable number of students have shown off on the inshcool website that they have their first credit card. In order to pay off their credit cards, these college students give up on improving their academic qualifications or interning in companies during the holidays and instead earn money by doing odd jobs, since they have no source of income."

"The real estate market is so hot right now, and the banks have exhausted their loan quotas. To raise funds for buying a house, they can only focus on credit cards."

"According to statistics from inshcool, there are currently 9.88 million people in South Korea who have four credit cards, accounting for about 20% of the total population of South Korea. If the credit limit of these people is reduced, 1 million to 1.5 million of them will become credit-bad people. In the next year, the number of credit card bad people will exceed 3.6 million."

"If this fact becomes a reality, then this credit card crisis will be no less than the second financial crisis. Industry giants like LG Card may then face bankruptcy risk," Song Yi warned in advance.

This is the fact that LG Card, the largest credit card company in South Korea, asked for help from the Korean bank creditor group due to insufficient short-term liquidity on November 16, 2003, which caused a huge turmoil in the Korean financial market. After experiencing the chaos of cash service interruption twice, LG Card was entrusted to operate by the corporate creditor group headed by Korea Development Bank.

Xia Dongyong couldn't help but frown. According to Song Yi, the collapse of credit card companies such as LG Credit Card is inevitable.

It is now 2002, and the Millennium Democratic Party will officially nominate its presidential candidate in April. Currently, Song Woo-seok is the popular candidate within the party, but he also has strong competitors.

If Song Woo-seok wins the party primary, then due to his high popularity, there is a great possibility that Song Woo-seok will be elected as the next president.

Song Yuxi and Zhong Xiaotong both come from the Hunan faction in South Korean politics. The Hunan region has always been the base camp for progressive candidates. The Hunan region in South Korea includes South Jeolla Province, North Jeolla Province and Gwangju City.

South Korean presidents generally do not have a good experience after leaving office. In order to have a good ending, Zhong Xiaotong will naturally spare no effort to promote Song Woo-seok to the position. Then the Song Woo-seok government will generally continue the diplomatic and economic policies of the Zhong Xiaotong government.

Zhou Dongyong doesn't care about the rising housing prices in Seoul, but the possible collapse of LG's credit card may affect him. If Song Woo-seok is elected president, he will be nominated as the head of the South Korean government and become the second-in-command in South Korean politics.

If LG Card really went bankrupt in 2003, Zhou Dongyong would have to be held responsible for it and might have resigned in disgrace.

"After hearing what Representative Song said, I now also think it is necessary to use 'Improve the housing conditions of Seoul residents' as our campaign slogan. So, does Representative Song have any specific measures to improve the housing conditions of Seoul residents?" Zhou Dongyong asked Song Yi for his opinion.

Seeing that he had convinced Zhou Dongyong, Song Yi smiled and said, "It's very simple. I think there are two ways to improve the living conditions of Seoul residents. One is the Cheonggyecheon renovation plan, which I have discussed with Councillor Park. The other way is to move the capital."

In 2002, South Korea will hold a presidential election and a Seoul mayoral election at the same time. Song Woo-seok is aiming for the presidency, while Park Dong-ho is aiming for the mayor of Seoul. Song Woo-seok's opponent is the conservative veteran Lee Chang-hui, while Park Dong-ho needs to defeat Lee Guangxue.

"Move the capital?" Song Yuxi was a little confused.

"Yes, the Seoul metropolitan area is too crowded now. Big companies and good schools are all crowded in Seoul. People from other cities in South Korea are trying their best to gain a foothold in Seoul. The new population and new land are not high, so housing prices will naturally rise year by year."

"If we choose a place in the central region to establish an administrative capital and move government agencies and universities there, it will naturally disperse the flow of people in Seoul. And we can also attract votes from South Chungcheong Province, North Chungcheong Province and Daejeon City," said Song Yi.

Xia Meiai listened to Song Yi talking, she noticed Song Yuxi's expression, it was obvious that Song Yuxi was moved. It was not important whether he could stabilize the housing prices in Seoul. What Song Yuxi cared about most at the moment was whether he could win votes in the central region and gain fame.

The current president Zhong Xiaotong had a shadow strategist Xu Changda during his campaign for the National Assembly. During the dictatorship of Zheng Puxi, the election genius Xu Changda quietly made plans behind Zhong Xiaotong and stirred up the election situation. The one who influenced the election process in his own way was Kingmaker, who changed the form of South Korean elections. Before meeting Xu Changda, Zhong Xiaotong participated in the National Assembly election four times in 7 years, and all failed. Xu Changda's arrival changed everything.

Since Zhong Xiaotong was first elected as a member of the National Assembly in 1961, with the help of Xu Changda, Zhong Xiaotong won victory after victory in the elections, and finally became the presidential candidate of the New Democratic Party after spending 10 years. Zhong Xiaotong's election as president in 1998 was also the result of his many years of accumulation.

If Song Woo-seok had listened to Song Yi's advice and implemented the Cheonggyecheon renovation plan and the construction of an administrative capital in the central region, then Song Yi would have become Song Woo-seok's most relied-on chief aide.

Assuming that Song Woo-seok successfully wins this year's presidential election with the slogan of "improving housing conditions for Seoul residents", then Song Yi will naturally be the number one contributor to Song Woo-seok's campaign team. Xia Meiai suddenly had a sense of history shining into reality. 　"King Maker" is indeed a good movie. It tells the story of Xu Changda, who assisted three generations of presidents.

(End of this chapter)